Field Research

Beyond French and Dutch: The Use of Arabic in Molenbeek-Saint-Jean

1. Introduction

Widely recognized as one of Europe's linguistically diverse cities, despite having two official languages, namely Dutch and French, there are multiple migrant languages present in Brussels that have established a strong presence. Home to a range of international communities and neighborhoods, it is usually assumed that “85% of the Bruxellois are French speakers” (Thogmartin 1121) despite the official bilingualism. However, there is another language in Brussels that continuously enriches its linguistic landscape, without much academic attention being paid to it. Arabic does not hold an official status in Brussels, and yet its presence, in the neighborhood of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean, permeates many facets of everyday life. The influx of Arabic speakers stems largely from historical labor migration which brought workers from North Africa and the Middle East to the capital of Belgium: “By the mid-1960s, these immigrants were followed by even larger numbers of Turkish and Moroccan guest-labourers” (Verlot 222). Moroccan communities are especially visible in the neighborhood of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean, an area in the West of Brussels with around 95,000 inhabitants and a large share of residents who have an immigrant background (Molenbeek 2025). Eliezer and Miriam Ben-Rafael emphasize that: “It is estimated that in Belgium, nearly 15% of the country’s population are not Belgian-born – some originate from Southern and Eastern Europe and many others from the Muslim world, i.e. the Middle-East, North Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa” (67). This shows the growing number of Arabic speakers that are part of the capital city of Belgium, and it highlights the unique position of Arabic in the linguistic landscape. Its visibility in public spaces is notable in addition to the official languages of French and Dutch, and yet, not much research has been done on this phenomenon. This study aims to fill this research gap by examining the presence, visibility, and function of Arabic script and speech in the public sphere of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean.

2. Literature Review

There exists a range of studies and academic sources on multilingualism in Brussels, as it is a capital whose unique international position has garnered much widespread attention to its linguistic diversity. However, after having done some readings, it has become obvious that most research, focuses on the relationship between French and Dutch. Katrien Bollen showcases the tensions between these two official languages that range from the past to the present, and which have been discussed in length by many scholars (2010). While Bollen focuses on the position of Flemish in and around the capital, on the other side of the research scholars have also paid much attention to the use of French. Clyde Thogmartin illustrates how even though in theory the two languages coexist equally, in reality, in the city of Brussels itself, there exists a heavy bias in favor of French (2008). Marc Verlot and Kaat Delrue elevate the presence of minority languages and its growth as a crucial topic for all big cities, especially within the "context of increasing globalisation and cultural differentiation” (221). Eliezer and Miriam Ben-Rafael further elaborated on the phenomenon of it being such a multi-ethnic city, that it has been a “target for worldwide migratory movements” (67) for decades. In addition, the presence of minority languages, in the linguistic landscape of a city, has not been paid much attention to (Gorter qtd. in Ahn 177). This paper aims to shed light on the effects of constant exposure to a minority language in a city’s public space. This gap in the research is crucial to fill as the use of different languages shed light on a city’s cultural diversity and, in addition, signals varying levels of inclusivity and exclusivity of different communities (Backhaus qtd. in Ahn 177). Therefore, analyzing the visibility and representation of languages in multi-ethnic cities is a social justice matter and research of these linguistic landscapes emphasize “ethnolinguistic vitality, language contact and change, social protest, tourism, and other domains of language use in public life” (Malinowksi qtd. in Ahn 178). This state of the art has emphasized how analyses of linguistic landscapes tie into matters of societal inequalities and injustices and how language use can perpetuate or highlight them. Recognizing patterns of representations of minority languages in public spaces can therefore build the foundation for wider debates about “equity, access, and the recognition of marginalized groups” (Ahn 178). To conclude, despite much attention having been paid to the multilingual setting and the long, tumultuous history of French vs. Flemish in Brussels, Arabic and its significance in the communes has been mostly left out. In addition, the importance of this report and research has been established for the research gap in scholarly works on linguistic landscapes, as analyses such as this one are tied closely to social justice debates on the presence and integration of minority languages and their respective communities.

3. Research Question And Hypothesis

Building on the literature review and the little academic knowledge of the Arabic language in the public space, my paper aims to research the ways in which this language is present in the multilingual linguistic landscape of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean. Therefore, I would like to state that the central research question that will be guiding my paper is: In what ways is the Arabic language present in the linguistic landscape of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean? In addition, I want to focus on: What functions does Arabic serve in the neighborhood alongside the official languages of French and Dutch? I would like to do so by observing and examining the ways in which Arabic appears in public, as I seek to fill the gap in the research that can illustrate a deeper understanding of how this non-official language shapes the public space in Brussels. I hypothesize that the research participants will describe the presence of the language as moderate to high in the neighborhood which they inhabit: Molenbeek-Saint-Jean. In addition, I estimate that the presence of Arabic will mostly be restricted to commercial areas and street signs or other signage in public spaces. This would emphasize my third hypothesis, which is that Arabic functions as a complementary vernacular language in addition to the official languages of French and Dutch in Brussels.

4. Methodology

The main methodology I used for this research is of mixed-method qualitative nature as I conducted interviews with five inhabitants of the target neighborhood and, additionally, collected data on a ‘linguistic walk.’ The latter was a specific data collection of multiple examples of Arabic signage in the public space. This form of documentation offers a small visual into the presence of Arabic in the linguistic landscape of Molenbeek and was achieved by walking in selected streets in my immediate neighborhood and photographing signs written in Arabic. The second part of the research was made up of semi-structured interviews with five anonymous participants. This was a convenience sample as all participants were in my similar age range (mid-twenties), lived in my vicinity, and most of them I had had previous social contact with. All participants received and signed a consent sheet, and their names and specific locations were made anonymous in the transcripts and in this report. The questionnaire consisted of 7 different categories with 22 questions in total, and the average response time was about fifteen minutes. Background questions allowed me to briefly establish a casual atmosphere in the interview and to give the participant space to describe their own positionality in the neighborhood and its multi-cultural environment. Next, I inquired about their general perceptions on language use in Molenbeek to estimate how far the participants had noticed the multilingualism in their surroundings. I then moved on to the visibility of Arabic and, here, was able to dive into the participants’ specific descriptions and locations. This data was then aided by questions about the function of Arabic, perceptions of language change over time, and their personal attitudes and feelings. These questions explored how the participants felt either included or excluded by the minority language in public. Lastly, the questionnaire concluded the interview with some simple closing questions where I gave participants space to freely speak about anything that I had missed or they had forgotten to mention. To bring my analysis of the data to the next level, I conducted a thematic analysis in which I categorized the signage by domain and aimed to sort the interview answers according to recurring themes and attitudes in response to my research questions and hypotheses. In addition, I paid specific attention to the three keywords: presence, function, and visibility. The first I defined for this research as simply the quantitative and qualitative presence of Arabic in public and paid close attention to the location of this presence e.g. storefronts, posters, or graffiti. Next, I aimed to analyze the function of this minority language which I defined as the purpose that it serves, and lastly, I explored the language’s visibility and how participants described its placements in the walkable urban environment. Overall, through a combination of these two methods of research, I seek to analyze in what way Arabic is present in the linguistic landscape of Molenbeek and what is its main function alongside French and Dutch.

5. Research Results And Significance

The following results of the mixed-method qualitative research are structured to specifically address the research hypotheses that were established in Section 3.

5.1 Visibility of Arabic

The first hypothesis of this report proposed that Arabic would have a moderate to high degree of visibility in the linguistic landscape of Molenbeek. After collecting the data and conducting the interviews, the results of this research largely support this. However, the research also shows that the perception of the language depends greatly on the participant’s own linguistic background and proficiency. Most participants commented on the visibility of Arabic in small businesses such as butcheries, bakeries, corner stores, fruit shops, and durum or kebab restaurants. These institutions often feature Arabic signage such as “حلال” (Halal) and “مرحبة” (Hello/ Welcome) on their storefronts or near the entrance of the shop, as can be seen in Picture 1. Other locations with Arabic signage include religious spaces such as mosques, however, I decided to opt against photographing these examples to ensure cultural sensitivity. Nevertheless, these examples highlight that Arabic is visible in multiple locations, however, the subjective perception of this visibility depends on a speaker’s personal linguistic profile. Interview participants who themselves speak Arabic fluently or everyday with family and friends described the presence of Arabic in Molenbeek as “eye-catching” and highly-visible (Participant 1, 3, and 4), but non-Arabic speakers (Participant 2 and 5) on the other hand emphasizes that they viewed it as “somewhat visible.” In addition, when the participants were asked which language they perceive the most, all of them noted that French was the most dominant language that they used and perceived in shops and on official signage in the neighborhood. Interestingly, while Arabic was positioned at second rank in Molenbeek, Dutch was often described as absent in everyday language use and perceptions. Therefore, on average, participants described the visibility of Arabic as moderate. However, this subjective perception varied greatly depending on the person’s linguistic background. In addition, all interviewees emphasized that Arabic was most visible in commercial spaces, religious, or informal public signage. Lastly, despite Brussel's official French and Dutch linguistic profile, all participants highlighted that Dutch is nearly invisible, in both spoken and written language, in their neighborhood of Molenbeek.

5.2 Commercial/ Public Presence

The second hypothesis of this research painted the picture of Arabic being most commonly found in commercial areas by ways of informal public signage. The results of the thematic analysis and evaluation of the linguistic walk strongly affirm this. As mentioned in Section 5.1, Arabic appears to be prominently rooted in the commercial fabric of Molenbeek, specifically in small, family-run stores such as bakeries, cafes, corner stores, restaurants, or other specific shops. In this context, Arabic is used for shop names, but also for signaling specific price deals or reduced meals. One participant brought up the example of a kebab shop offering discount details in Arabic that translated to: “5 durums for the price of 3” (Participant 1). This example strongly suggests that Arabic is mostly used for small-scale, practical communications in local business settings. In addition to commercial visibility, the linguistic walk and thematic analysis also emphasized Arabic’s presence in informal and private settings. Documentation of Pictures 2 and 3 show that the language is featured on various posters around the neighborhood. Picture 2 documents information that is being shared for a kindergarten, where Picture 3 shows a self-made “No Parking” sign. In both cases, Arabic is written next to either French or Dutch, the official languages. However, it is important to note that public signage like this is not produced by local governments or the municipality but is self-made by residents or the local institutions/ businesses that it supports. This dynamic is interesting as it shows that the residents themselves are highly aware of the unique position of Arabic in the neighborhood and exhibit openness to be inclusive to Arabic-speakers. While all participants confirmed that government-initiated signage lacks the presence of Arabic, one participant specifically remarked on this. Participant 4 critically stated that local governments should include Arabic on certain public signs to better reflect the neighborhood’s multi-cultural makeup. They stated that this would make Arabic speakers feel more welcome and more at home if they saw their language reflected back to them. Overall, the second hypothesis of this research was largely proven to be true. Arabic is strongly visible in commercial spaces, which all participants emphasized, regardless of their personal linguistic background. In addition, it became clear that the language is used in local, personal, or small business settings and never featured on official public signage.

5.3 Complementary Vernacular

The final hypothesis of this report illustrated the use of Arabic in Molenbeek-Saint-Jean as a complementary vernacular language that is visible alongside French and Dutch to serve the local community. The results of this research confirm that Arabic mainly serves two functions: informational and symbolic. As established in the previous sections, Arabic is utilized to communicate small-scale practical information. This form of communication allows Arabic-speakers to navigate public spaces better and to feel more included in the neighborhood by being able to read and understand local services, products and instructions in small businesses. This informational function is crucial as it allows Arabic-speakers to not have to switch languages in every interaction. Participants stressed that this function is highly useful for new arrivals in Brussels as it helps them adjust to their unfamiliar surroundings more easily. This element of familiarity brings me to the second function of Arabic which is that it is used symbolically to signal cultural belonging. Simple signs such as ‘halal’ and ‘welcome’ can go a far way to make Arabic-speakers feel more included in society. Participants further emphasized that this could create a familiar and “cozy” atmosphere (Participant 3 and 4) to make locals feel “at home.” Multiple participants remarked that Molenbeek’s linguistic profile is a “melting pot” (Participant 1 and 5) and in this context Arabic is thus viewed as not only a tool for communication but rather a defining element of the neighborhood’s social and cultural identity. However, some participants also remarked on the negative side of this language use. Participants who did not speak Arabic described feeling somewhat “excluded” (Participant 2) as they were not able to understand specific information or signs in shops. Participant 5 remarked that at times they had to resort to google translate to communicate with a shop owner or to understand an Arabic sign in a small store. Participant 4 further elaborated on this feeling of exclusion by describing a scene in the past in which a non-Arabic speaker aggressively entered a shop and started to yell: “Why are you speaking Arabic? You should speak French” while filming and provocatively rage-baiting the Arabic speaking shop owner and customers. The participant remarked that this scene was “very uncomfortable” for everyone involved, and this tension between languages thus highlights the negative consequences of the visibility of Arabic. While for some people it has a neutral presence or creates a positive, familiar environment, for predominantly non-Arabic speakers, it can lead to feelings of exclusion and social tension. Therefore, the third hypothesis of the research was strongly confirmed and expanded as it has become clear that Arabic is used as a complementary vernacular with both informational and symbolic function. More importantly, by illustrating feelings of exclusion and social tension, this research was also able to shed a light on the negative consequences of the visibility of Arabic in public settings.

6. Conclusion

To conclude, this report aims to fill a gap in the research on multilingualism in Brussels, more specifically on the importance of migrant languages such as Arabic. This short study demonstrates that Arabic holds a unique and versatile position in the linguistic landscape of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean. The research has proven that Arabic displays moderate visibility, especially in commercial and informal settings where it functions primarily as a complementary vernacular. While the most dominant language in the neighborhood remains French, the wide presence of Arabic in various contexts and businesses challenges the official French/Dutch divide in Brussels. Through its function as both informational and symbolic, this minority language enriches the linguistic landscape and is able to make Arabic speakers feel more included and at home in Brussels. However, even though it has been emphasized as a tool of communal bonding, the research has also shed a light on how its presence can give way to social tensions among different linguistic groups. Nevertheless, the most important conclusion of the study emphasizes that even though Arabic is a minority language, it overall functions not on the periphery of society, but as a central tool of communication and familiarity. Thus, this study has contributed to emphasizing the multicultural and multilingual character of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean and elevated the importance of minority languages in shaping the diverse linguistic landscape of Brussels.

6. Works Cited

Ahn, So-Yeon. “Interpreting Multilingual Spaces through a Lens: Linguistic Landscape Projects for Cultivating Intercultural Competence.” Visualising Language Students and Teachers as Multilinguals: Advancing Social Justice in Education, edited by Paula Kalaja and Sílvia Melo-Pfeifer, Multilingual Matters & Channel View Publications, 2025, pp. 177–94. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/jj.20558241.13.

Ben-Rafael, Eliezer, and Ben-Rafael, Miriam. "Chapter 5 Brussels". Multiple Globalizations. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2018. https://doiorg.myezproxy.vub.ac.be/10.1163/9789004385139_007.

Bollen, Katrien. “Bilingual Education in Flanders: Policy and Press Debate (1999-2006).” The Modern Language Journal, vol. 94, no. 3, 2010, pp. 412–33. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40856176.

"Molenbeek-Saint-Jean." 2025. https://www.molenbeek.irisnet.be/nl

Thogmartin, Clyde. “Belgium, Switzerland, and Luxembourg: How French Fits In.” The French Review, vol. 81, no. 6, 2008, pp. 1119–34. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25481397.

Verlot, Marc and Delrue, Kaat. "Multilingualism in Brussels". Urban Multilingualism in Europe: Immigrant Minority Languages at Home and School, Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2004, pp. 221-250. https://doi-org.myezproxy.vub.ac.be/10.21832/9781853597800-011.